Lodge petition lodged

A guest post today from Tom Minogue, who’s lodged a petition at Holyrood to ensure judges, sheriffs and jury members must declare masonic membership, or similar. Here’s his thinking. Thanks for the post, Tom!

A handshake, earlierAs a schoolboy I was taught we were a better nation. Scotland had the best inventors, shipbuilders, currency and legal system and we were the hardest workers. It was that simple.

Driven by this Presbyterian work ethic myth I left school at 15 (no qualifications) and went on to form my own engineering business, which I ran successfully for 25 years before retiring. At its peak my company employed over 200.

My time in business was challenging and rewarding but also frustrating in that on many occasions opportunities were denied me because I was not “one of boys”.

In some works almost every gaffer’s hand I shook had the probing thumb of the freemason. This was not confined to engineering – also bank managers, tax inspectors and others – and left me to wonder how I might have fared were I one of the handshakers?

My firm conviction, based on a lifetime’s experience is that membership of freemasonry in Scotland – which has four times as many per head than England (the only world record we still hold?) – goes some way to explain why we have lost our worldwide reputation for excelling in areas we once led in: industry, banking and law.

I don’t like this state of affairs, but that is the way it is in Scotland and I will just have to lump it I suppose.

However in public life, where according to one ex-Grand Master Mason, freemasonry is the “very warp and weft”, I should not have to put up with Masonic shenanigans, especially not in the justice system.

And it was this prospect I faced when I was involved in a commercial dispute which was corrupted by freemasonry and led to a court case. Faced with the prospect of me, a non-Mason, having my evidence evaluated against that of a Masons in front of a Masonic Sheriff, I challenged the Sheriff hearing the case to declare his Masonic status. Because in such circumstances Masons are sworn to favour their brethren.

On hearing my challenge, the male sheriff promptly transferred my case to a lady sheriff, which satisfied my immediate concerns at the time, but after the hearing I petitioned the Scottish Parliament to have the law changed to require our judges and sheriffs to register secret society membership.

After toying with my petition for over three years, Parliament dismissed it without reason. This is not good enough and I am trying again under a new government with expanded terms to included jurors and other tribunals.

At the time of my previous petition I researched the interests of the current Scottish Law Lords and found that over two-thirds of this group were undeclared members of the Speculative Society of Edinburgh. Now either you believe that the meeting rooms of the Spec imbue the undergraduates who attend with great powers of jurisprudence, or you see the old boy’s network in action, an affront to meritocracy.

Some decisions by Scottish judges and juries have been held up to ridicule and scorn and to me it is not surprising when they are drawn from a pool which simply cannot be seen to be the best, or without prejudice.

In the trial of General Pinochet, the Chilean dictator, it was found that a presiding judge, Lord Hoffman, had corrupted the proceedings because he failed to declare an interest, namely that his wife worked as a secretary for Amnesty International who campaigned against the dictator. There was no bias on the part of Hoffman, but there may have been an appearance of such.

What then of the undeclared interests of freemason judges and sheriffs who swear Masonic oaths to help and keep the secrets of their brother Masons “as secure and inviolable as if they were in their own breast, murder and treason accepted”?

Apologists for freemasonry tell us that Masons are also advised to abide by the law, and judges and sheriffs are sworn to judge “without fear or favour”.

But which oath has precedence with the Masonic magistrate? The judicial one, without a mention of sanction for non-compliance? Or the Masonic one that promises, in lurid detail, blood-curdling penalties, including disembowelment and murder for non compliance?

I share the firm conviction of the 6th President of the USA, John Quincey Adams that such violence in Masonic oaths undermine the impartiality of the judicial process and at the very least we are entitled to know if those deciding our innocence or guilt or human right has taken such an oath.

That is the aim of my petition, to have those who have taken such promises of fraternal support declare this fact. Then if I, or any litigant, decide to object to this apparent bar to justice we can do so.

During discussion of my previous (similar) petition the Justice Minister, Jim Wallace, said my petition was unique and I was the only person he knew of with concerns in this regard. He obviously didn’t know Dr Samuel Johnson said this on the subject: “Where secrecy or mystery begins, vice or roguery is not far off.”

The problem with Scotland’s press… in an American newspaper.

The journalist Peter Geoghegan has written an excellent summary of some of the issues surrounding the press and the independence referendum. Its basic points are a lesson to people on both side of the debate and sum up much of what is problematic about the contemporary Scottish media scene.

http://www.globalpost.com/dispatch/news/regions/europe/united-kingdom/130823/scotland-uk-media-referendum-independence

Man paid to write article setting out his true beliefs – shock!

How the media really worksIn the latest round of silly season frothing for the Holyrood bubble, the No campaign and others have gotten their knickers in a twist about this – an article written by Elliot Bulmer for the Herald. Their beef with it, apparently, is that the Yes campaign paid him for his time and didn’t say so. Except they did say so when asked. So here are some of the problems with this confected argument.

1. Mr Bulmer (pictured left, as I imagine him) has been writing about these same issues for years and making a consistent argument for a written Scottish constitution. The opinions he set out in that Herald article are the same as he set out in the Guardian earlier this year, in the Scotsman in 2011, and in a whole damn book he wrote in 2012. He’s not spouting a campaign line because he’s been paid to, nor does this piece appear to diverge at all from his earlier views. He’s being paid for his time because Yes thought it would be good for his views to get another outing in the media. And, apart from the slightly weaker interim constitution stuff in the article, I agree with them and him. No-one is being deceived – those are his views. He’s not Groucho Marx.

2. All sorts of articles in the media are written for money. I’ve done PR for years, and like everyone in PR, I’ve written articles which have been published in the papers, sometimes under my own name, sometimes drafted for a client. And even where I’ve just written a press release (for which I was paid), sometimes articles that get published bear a close resemblance to it without an attached notice explaining that “this cracking story was derived from a press release that James Mackenzie wrote for money and sent to us”. I really don’t believe any journalist who claims not to know that people regularly get paid by third parties to write articles that are then submitted for publication. And that applies to academics, staff at representative bodies, and (although we can call it hospitality or media passes or whatever) journalists too. Actually, that last one does bother me a bit.

3. Relatedly, articles in newspapers never show an audited trail of who got paid how much and by whom to get them to the page. Perhaps they should, but given they don’t normally, why is this one any different? Ah yes, because it’s about the partisan issue which both sides get overwrought about, desperate to pin anything at all on each other in case anything sticks.

4. Writers should be paid for their work like everyone else. Journalists normally argue for this. If the Herald didn’t pay Mr Bulmer to set out his views this time, and Yes were prepared to do so, then that’s how some of his rent got paid that month. I’m glad to hear it. I despise the Huffington Post model which assumes writers don’t need to eat. It’s work like anything else, much as everyone likes seeing their views appearing in the media, and smart people should be paid for their time.

5. You can’t buy a respected academic’s opinions for £100, but you can buy an hour or two of his time. I got asked by a media friend if I would be equally relaxed about the nuclear industry paying an academic to write a pro-nuclear piece for the media. Yes – although I’d still disagree with them, but it’s only OK if it’s that academic’s actual opinion as previously expressed. And I bet you a five tier wedding cake to a stale digestive biscuit exactly that happens all the time, with the only difference being that whoever pays them doesn’t say “sure, of course we paid him/her” when asked about it.

6. Without wishing to sound paranoid, the only reason this story is going anywhere is because the emails that led to the Yes campaign being asked about it appear to have been accessed illegally by a third party. If those allegations are true, that’s a lot more serious, so you can see why the No campaign might want to go into a frenzy of bogus outrage about another issue to muddy the waters on that story. Cynically, it’s very professional diversionary media work, chaps. Well done.

7. This is the weakest attempt to find a scandal where there simply isn’t one in many years, and will have as much traction outside the bubble as a chihuahua in high heels trying to run on a perfectly polished sheet of glass.

8. My pieces on this blog express my views on all sorts of subjects, and I’ve not been paid for any of them, which is unfortunate for me. If anyone, literally anyone, wants to pay me an agreed sum to write a piece that’s 100% consistent with my views as previously set out here so I can see if any of the media will print it, drop me a line and I’ll tell you where to send the cheque.

Fracking is not just an issue for a small corner of England

As I write this Caroline Lucas MP is being detained in the back of a police van and likely making her way to a charge desk for her part in the anti-fracking protests in the sleepy English village of Balcombe. If you’re in any doubt as to the pros and cons of fracking, this piece by the Northern Irish green researcher Ross Brown should set you straight

Caroline will be the first MP arrested this year for reasons other than fraud, sexual assault and perjury. This alone is a feat to be applauded. What will be interesting is how the rest of the Commons reacts to one of their own being detained when they have previously shuffled uncomfortably in their shoes and looked the other way.

Caroline Lucas is no George Galloway, and bundling one of Britain’s more popular MPs into the back of a police van is unlikely to make the government’s support for fracking any less dubious than it already is.

The reason that Caroline was the only MP at the protest is that she is, at present, the only English Green MP. That may well change at the next election if people suddenly find gas wells popping up at the ends of their gardens and draw a blank when writing to their local parliamentarian. Rather shamefully, every single other English party has refused to properly assess the risks of the technology. The Lib Dems and Conservatives are all on board because their energy policy is such a woefully inept compromise of ill-informed dogma and private interest, and Labour have offered some typically non-committal assurances that they will look at the impact of fracking once it is underway. They tried the same with PFI ventures and we all know how that ended.

So it has been left to Westminster’s solitary Green to stand up for what any right-thinking MP should be and protect the energy bills, water supplies and integrity of the English public’s landscape.

How and where fracking might happen in Scotland is less clear cut. The Scottish Government currently exercises control over planning but not over energy. What’s more, the Scotland Act means that the Westminster government could feasibly overrule Holyrood if push came to shove. This might sound unlikely, but the dash for gas is so great that speculators will be looking longingly north. As we all know, there is pretty much nobody in Scotland to complain anyway. It was at least easier in the old days when you could just force people off of their land if you fancied using the natural resources.

Neither should we rely on the benevolence of the SNP in safeguarding Scotland’s communities and natural resources. As Trumpgate has shown, the modern-day SNP behemoth is no more a friend of the small man than Labour or the Conservatives when money is being waved about. The biggest challenge will be to appeal to Alex Salmond’s past as an oil economist – hopefully even black-eyed Alex will see that the sums don’t quite add up.

If the SNP or, in the future, Scottish Labour decide that fracking is a good idea they’ll be met with all sorts of opposition from Greens and non-Greens alike. As the German Green Party have shown in Stuttgart and elsewhere, riding roughshod over the rights of communities and public opinion does not make those pesky environmentalists go away. It instead leads to them having a workable majority in the local state parliament. MPs and MSPs all across the central belt would be wise to do a bit of research before they do as much as invite Dart Energy and the rest of Scotland’s fossil lobby around for a cup of tea and a slice of Dundee cake.

Caroline Lucas’ arrest is a sign of the seriousness with which we should be taking Britain’s worrying energy politics, but also a concrete illustration of the commitment which Greens across the board have to doing as much as talking. You can pass as many climate change acts as you like, but when push comes to shove there is apparently only one group of parties in the British Isles and across Europe that has the courage to stand up and be counted. Hopefully there’ll soon be a lot more of them to count.

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The Festival: Classic or Classism?

Classism photo
The 1990’s was the era when popular culture was co-opted by the establishment. The resurrected brand ‘Cool Britannia’ existed to provide advocacy and endorsement to political figures. Bands and arts figures became vessels of the Labour Party; staring vacuously and wide-eyed from TVs, magazines and papers and all carried along on a wave of vapid Blairite sound bite.

Damon Albarn of Blur later opined that, “It was totally cynical. They were trying to use our energy to the greater glory of New Labour.” It wasn’t quite the day that music died, but it was a clear indication that the arts could be bought, either by funding or by promise.

The independence referendum, casting long shadows as it does over every aspect of Scottish discourse, democracy and culture cannot escape the attentions of a media which is eager to pin labels on figures of popular culture and the arts. For some unfathomable reason it deems it important what “celebrity” thinks, but this is a real opportunity for creatives to seize back control of their image, find their teeth, their voices and make them count.

Joyce McMillan, writing in The Scotsman, was roundly criticised by advocates of a No vote for mooting the idea that artists were more progressive and therefore more amenable to at least a creative exploration of the possibilities and the opportunities a yes vote could create and that the yes movement had captured the attention of more creatives than that of the no campaign. She evidenced this with grassroots organisations like the National Collective. That there are creatives on the no side who are happy to accept the Westminster pathway, there is no doubt, but they currently have no voice or little input to the debate.

Culturally, at least, the Yes campaign seems like a movement, where discordant voices are happy to set difference aside to harmoniously explore the alternative options a yes vote can bring; in effect, lending their creative talent to the campaign. Conversely, the No campaign boasts no similar movement. Even an appearance by the flautist Eddie McGuire on Newsnight Scotland couldn’t convince that the creatives’ No campaign was as organic or advanced as that of the pro-independence movement and seems to rely rather more on celebrity lending their credentials or their name than their creative skill sets.

Last week a Huffington Post blog by Sarah McCorquodale caused great consternation – especially on the pro-independence side – with a piece which displayed a fundamental misunderstanding of the cultural scene in Scotland and stated unequivocally that Scottish Culture must be kept separate from the independence push.

The suggestion that Scottish cultural life is overshadowed by the independence referendum to its detriment and that culture is undergoing a hiatus or regression finds little resonance in the burgeoning music, spoken and written word and theatrical scenes in Scotland. Nor does her article take cognisance of the opinions of those artists themselves.

Sarah McCorquodale has not been resident in Scotland for a number of years and seems to display a disturbing slant toward that at-a-distance and establishment ignorance of Scottish culture displayed occasionally by ex-pats, whether they live in Corby or Perth, Australia, which fails to identify progress and has Scottish culture frozen at the point in history when they moved away.

A Guardian article last year attempted to chart the journey of progressive culture and arts resulting from devolution to now. BBC Radio Scotland’s Vic Galloway confirmed the real existence of a cultural journey, “Many musicians are embracing their Scottishness. It’s not about tartan, bagpipes and shortbread, but a contemporary forward-thinking Scotland that isn’t afraid to sing its own accent and embrace its own culture”.

Next year’s Edinburgh International Festival – that establishment doyenne – was an opportunity to challenge that; an opportunity for one of the world’s largest arts festivals to explore the dialogue, the creativity and the seismic shift this debate is having on the Scottish sense of self. As well as the more simple arguments about democracy, the independence referendum forces us Scots to investigate who we are and how important identity is to us.

In an article in the Scotland on Sunday last week, the Creative Director of the Edinburgh International Festival, Sir Jonathan Mills put paid to suggestions that next year’s festival would include any work investigating any of these themes. Instead the Festival is to be complicit in perpetuating the establishment myth that an unprecedented celebration of the start of World War 1 and celebrating the Commonwealth is of more cultural significance than our biggest political decision in 300 years – all whilst remaining apolitical.

If there is one thing that those of all sides of the referendum should agree on, it is that this decision is about looking forward to what we can be and whether that is best served within the confines of the status quo or not. Whilst not ignoring the lessons of past and the pointless waste of generations of men from around the world for the might of imperialism and folly, we certainly shouldn’t make them a central plank of how we move forward as a country together. I am sure the irony of celebrating the last remaining vestiges of imperialism concurrently with the war that set in motion the veritable dissolution of the British Empire will occur to many.

Had Sir Jonathan Mills wanted to combine both these themes with Scotland’s current place in a world of much smaller states as a result of both the first World War, the second, and how independence could or should change our relationship with the Commonwealth, the gap in relevancy would’ve been bridged. Instead his decision has reinforced the position that the Festival is the ultimate facade for establishmentarianism.
The decision not to include the independence debate has puzzled many in the arts, its fringes and on all sides of the debate. The opportunity for culture to provide a powerful way of exploring political genres and ideas has been lost. The EIF with a large percentage a of its budget derived from the public purse has the capital and surely the obligation to make thought provoking and discursive works which could push the boundaries in what by then may be a very fractious debate. Instead the Festival displays a heavy handed and restrictive top down approach in deciding what should be culture instead of a bottom up exploration of what is culture.

Therein lies the rub, who does the Edinburgh International Festival cater to? Sir Jonathan Mills’ suggestion that the Fringe may be the better place to cater for works aimed at engagement in the independence debate may provide the more enlightening explanation behind his decision than any suggestion that it would suit the establishment position to expound a sense of Britishness in the run up to the referendum. Is it preferable to believe that the Festival more guilty of classism than it is of politicising culture, with public money?

The Fringe with all its whizz bang and wonderful idiosyncrasies is not the establishment, but the brash sibling in the gaudy lip stick and fishnet tights. Undoubtedly there is crossover in audience, but the fringe is the more affordable and less self-satisfied of the two. That Sir Jonathan Mills thinks that is where the debate on independence solely belongs – unfunded by the state – suggests a classism and elitism at the heart of decision making. The Festival is part and parcel of the establishment, and it clearly finds the referendum somewhat wanting.

The Festival consistently appeals more – or is accessible to more – of those in the top % of society – the same, I’m alright types, who are aspirational for self and doing very nicely out of the union, thank you. Perhaps the independence debate simply isn’t as important to them because they cannot see an angle or relevancy for themselves. It is no coincidence that consistent polling trends identify that preserving the union is more important to those in the top earning brackets. Perhaps the International Festival is more interested in reflecting them, and not the interests and cultural aspects of wider Scottish society.

Or perhaps Joyce McMillan is right and cultural engagement favours a yes vote. Perhaps the establishment are concerned that communing with the independence debate will find that a yes vote resonates rather better than a no, and where would that leave the establishment?

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