Archive for category Westminster

How many referendums does an independence decision require?

Time to choose (Shrigley)

It was always going to happen with a group blog, two co-editors writing a post on the same subject and then looking to post at around the same time. The solution? Merge them together into a single post.

Here James looks at why only one referendum is required and Jeff argues that not only should there be two referendums but that it is in the SNP’s best interests for there to be that many.

A single vote is enough, but only with a better question – by James

Who would have imagined that Michael Moore’s call for two referendums on independence would cause such agitation and consternation? Gerry Hassan sets out ten reasons why only one vote is needed, which are mostly bullet-proof (although #8 is tangential to say the least). Lallands Peat Worrier starts off giving an old post of Caron Lindsay’s a hard time, before touching on the legality of various question options. Caron replies with a defence of the two-question position.

Again, and I fear this risks making me unpopular with both sides, I think they’re all wrong. The SNP’s first question, as currently proposed, asking merely permission to negotiate, is vague and inconclusive. If the Scottish people vote yes for that, it isn’t a mandate for independence, and the need for a second question on the outcome of the negotiations would be hard to argue with. LPW’s concerns here about the need for that question are surely answered by Gerry’s second and third reasons (above).

But that first question doesn’t even need to be asked. Negotiate away. Help yourself. Fill your boots. Ideally, while involving the Scottish public in a way the National Conversation failed to do. If the results of that negotiation, informed by the views of the Scottish people, are put to a vote, then that one single vote will be sufficient.

People will know what they’re voting for, what the constitution of an independent Scotland would look like, and they can make a clear choice. And then tell UK Ministers that their second question will be the one answered by the people. If the outcome of the negotiation gets voted on, why bother asking our permission to talk to Westminster?

If UK Ministers decline the offer to talk, and display the level of arrogance we’ve come to expect, they surely know they’ll drive the public further into the arms of the Yes campaign. That campaign can then still be based on one simple question: do you believe SNP Ministers should pursue independence on the basis of the proposed draft constitution? A yes vote to that would be uncontestable.

The SNP is more likely to win two referendums than one – by Jeff

The discussion over how many referendums Scotland will need before it can win its independence has rumbled along nicely over the past few weeks and months. Those in favour of independence typically prefer one referendum, seeing that challenge as more winnable than the two referendums that unionists typically prefer.

Intuitively, this makes sense. After all, if you have to jump over two hurdles then you are twice as likely to fall down.

However, I would suggest that the SNP is instead more likely to win an overall Yes vote with two plebiscites rather than one (or three, as I’m sure someone will suggest soon enough!)

The first referendum would be a theoretical question of whether Scots would like to be independent and whether they would like the Scottish Government to enter into negotiations with the UK Government to agree a settlement. More people would be disposed to voting Yes and less people disposed to voting No if they knew that they could always vote No in the second vote. The SNP Government has no mandate to enter into such negotiations without a plebiscite but a sense of curiosity and adventure may appeal to the Scottish electorate here and a crucial number would, I am sure, be swayed into finding out what would happen next.

Curiosity may have killed the cat but I can never envisage it shooting the nationalist fox.

For me, this is similar to the way the Scottish Parliament votes. Many opposition parties abstain or vote Yes at the first reading of a Bill only to go on to vote it down at the last opportunity, as they had always intended to do. It is, I suppose, the political equivalent of Parkinson’s Law -allowing work to expand to fill the time available.

The thing is, when that second independence vote comes around, the opposition parties can’t shut the door on it like they used to do in Holyrood. It will be for the people to decide and they may find that they like what is on the table.

There will be plentiful opportunities for the SNP, and Alex Salmond in particular, to demonstrate grievance and remonstrate face to face with Cameron and Osborne. It’s a crass point to make but still could nonetheless potentially true that this opportunity could be all that is required to win a Scottish majority. The devolution opposition will be largely out of the picture at this stage as a hitherto popular SNP majority deals directly with a hitherto deeply unpopular coalition Government. Alex Salmond will always find it difficult to win independence from a soapbox with only a bunch of theories but if he can point to a Tory, preferably a few of them, and reasonably claim that Scotland is getting a rum deal, then he has a much better shot and the only way he’ll get into that room and have that round-the-table discussion is with the mandate of a first referendum.

I don’t expect to win too many Nationalists over here given I am competing with the long-held view that support for independence just has to nudge over 50% for one day, polling day, and it’s game over.
For me, this overlooks both how winnable that referendum is (not very) and the related question of how fair it is (not very).

A settlement to negotiate away from the UK needs two referendums. One to enter negotiations and a second to agree on the specifics of that negotiation. It won’t be possible to reasonably compare an indepedent Scotland with the current UK setup until AFTER the first vote and indeed AFTER the negotiations have completed. It’s only fair.

I can understand the Nats’ frustration on this. We’ll be voting on independence, what does it matter if we have a DVLA or not?

Well, how much of the North Sea’s oil will we get? How much of a settlement from existing UK assets and (liabilities) will be ours? What will our Defence look like? What will happen to RBS and the bank formerly known as HBOS? These may well all have simple, straightforward solutions but you can bet your bottom pound note that most Scots will want to know for sure the answers before it’s bon voyage for Bonnie Scotland and an adventure that’ll last a lifetime.

Ans therein lies the SNP’s route to success, trusting the people to come to an informed decision. Scotland has won a Yes/ Yes referendum before, it can do so again.

Pic by the wonderful Mr Shrigley.

A short guide to beating the Bookies

A very welcome guest post from Ross McCafferty who, much to his annoyance, you will probably know better as @HolyroodPatter. Ross is a former blogger and parliamentary worker who recently mothballed his much loved blog and instead has opted for just incessant tweeting on Scottish and sometimes UK Politics. A current political history student, he can normally be found analysing, arguing and annoying on twitter, because anything beats studying.

Following Jeff’s recent post, I was delighted to be offered the chance to have my tuppence worth on whether money can really be made betting on politics. The short answer, of course, is yes.

Those who took a punt on the SNP winning most seats at 3, 5, even 7 to 1 are no doubt leafing through their winnings happily by now. But it is in a UK context that the bookmakers continue to seem to defy conventional wisdom so you can, with a fair amount of guesswork and a half decent political analysis, make money on politics.

Take the next Permanent Tory Leader. I should say from the off that a certain amount of patience is required in this tricky field. No one expects a vacancy any time soon, but let us imagine that the Conservatives contrive to lose the General Election of 2015, Ed Milliband is swept to power and David Cameron is facing the job club. No leader could survive such a defeat.

Now, to the options to replace him; the Bookmakers offer odds of 4, 5, and 6 to one respectively on the three favourites. And they are? Boris Johnson, William Hague and George Osborne. No, really. Despite his designs on the top job (that is allowing for the rather generous assumption that Boris has designs on anything) there is absolutely no way someone as divisive, chequered, and frankly dim would be elected to lead HM opposition. Hague couldn’t get the Tories any advance on the electoral demolition of 1997, he is not a viable candidate. And Osborne? I would make him at least a twenty to one outsider. Should the Tories be booted from office, presumably because of losing a spending cuts argument, why would anyone in their right mind vote for the Lieutenant of that Cutters Army to lead the party and the country? And I see very little evidence of  a Granita esque handover. Mr Cameron, if he is allowed, is in this for the long haul.

So to my advice. Avoid ludicrous 200/1 shots like Guido Fawkes or Nadine Dorries. One’s a rabid right wing blogger with a suspicious agenda, and the other is Guido Fawkes. It is in the middle of the pack where the real value lies. Greg Clarke 18/1, Ed Vaisey, 25/1 Nick Herbert and Zac Goldsmith both at 33!

It is the same with the Labour Party. Despite Yvette Cooper being an 11/4 favourite, parliamentary experience is essential and Yvette, for all her demonstrable skills, has barely landed a blow on Theresa May, hardly the most combative of political operators.

Frankly, if some bookmakers are still daft enough to be giving you 25/1 on Jim Murphy, I would jump all over it. He has built a good profile down south, as evidenced by his seeming reluctance to touch the poisonous wreckage of the Scottish campaign with a barge pole.

There is a similar message in the shadow cabinet. Should Labour be trounced in 2015, the economic message having fallen flat, why would you elect the man responsible for articulating it? Step forward Mr E Balls, 8/1 third favourite. I am entirely ignoring David Milliband because being beaten was most probably an equally chastening, but massively financially rewarding set of circumstances for him.

Chukka Umuna is my tip (Google Umuna Obama for all the evidence you need to see he is winning over the intellectual base of the party) and he is good value at 12/1, although he has to show just a smidge more personality than was evident from his eerily polished recent Question Time appearance. It’d be cruel not to mention the Lib Dems, but can anyone see past Tim Farron? 3/1 on him remains good value though I am pleased to see Charlie Kennedy’s odds come in to almost 10/1, I backed him at 20/1 last year.

Rounding up with a few other matters, William Hill are offering the ludicrously generous odds of 2/1 that the next general election will be in 2015. The coalition has already shown that it can survive most strife and scandal with its belief in the greater good and all that business; although you will have to spend a fair chunk to see any return.

These bets can almost slip under the radar: despite myself and Jeff ranting about it. The odds offered by Ladbrokes of 3/1 on between 0 and 2 Scots Tory MPs were very generous and I wasn’t the only one who backed it. For a very long term bet, why not take the offer of 10/1 that Ed Milliband will be in post longer than Tony Blair? It’s not entirely inconceivable; if Ed wins in 2015, sees out 2.5 parliamentary terms then he has done the job! 13/2 on a Labour/Lib Dem Coalition in 2015 isn’t a bad bet either, and I would be failing in party duty if I didn’t tell you all to back the 5/4 option that Scotland will vote Yes in the upcoming independence referendum.

So there we have it, all that’s required is a bit of political nous, the bravery to trust your instincts, a lot of luck and plenty of patience. They don’t call it “taking a punt” for nothing!

Can the UK Greens win any more seats?

This is a cross-post from the excellent Climate Sock. Thanks to Leo for giving permission to put it up here.

Now UK electoral reform for the Commons has been defeated, First Past the Post (FPTP) is with us for the foreseeable future. I was never convinced that Alternative Vote (AV) would be a game changer for smaller parties like the Greens, but FPTP is particularly bad for them.

There’s no doubt that FPTP exaggerates results. Below a certain share of the national vote, parties get fewer seats than they would under a PR system. Above that level, they get more.

Yet the UK Greens do have one MP, and they are in fact less hard done by under FPTP than the other UK-wide parties of similar size: the UK Independence Party (UKIP) and the British National Party (BNP).

In the 2010 election, the Greens nationally won 286k votes (1.0%); UKIP won 920k (3.1%); and the BNP 564k (1.9%). Yet of the three, the Greens were the only party to win a seat, despite receiving the fewest votes (although this one seat was itself equivalent to only about one sixth of the seats they would have won under a fully proportionate system with that share of the vote).

So, why was this the case, and what does it say about the Greens’ prospects under FPTP?

To win a seat in a multi-way marginal, a party typically needs at least 30%. Caroline Lucas won Brighton Pavilion with 31% of the vote; the next target for the Greens, Norwich South, was won by the Lib Dems with 29%. Other Green targets were won with slightly higher proportions.

Yet, with a lower national share than UKIP and the BNP, explanation is needed for why the Greens were able to mobilise 31% in a particular constituency, while the others were not able to do so.

At least part of the answer is suggested by the huge poll conducted by Michael Ashcroft for the Tories.

A key source for this debate is the question on how likely respondents are to vote for particular parties. A response of 1 signifies that they will definitely not vote for that party, and 10 means that they will definitely vote for that party.

The proportions who say they are extremely likely (let’s say 9 or 10) to vote for each of the three parties is roughly what we’d expect: small, and similar to one another.

But the differences are very interesting when we look lower down the scale:

UKIP support

BNP support

Green support

So both the BNP and UKIP have much more of the electorate fixed against them: 84% and 68% respectively, compared with 55% for the Greens.

If we return to a figure of around 30% needed to win a multi-way marginal constituency, it is clear why this is so hard for the BNP. On a national level, 84% have said they wouldn’t consider voting BNP, leaving very little to play for.

Even for UKIP, to reach 30% of the electorate, the party would need to go all the way down the scale to people who say they are just 3/10 likely to vote UKIP.

Yet for the Greens, winning 30% requires going down only as far as those who are 5/10 likely to vote Green: a much less daunting prospect and a result that suggests that future seats may well be winnable for the Greens.

Just a couple of caveats. Firstly, this makes an assumption of uniform national distributions. Clearly that isn’t the case: it’s an approximate model. Yet, the size of the differences between the parties suggests that it is useful.

Secondly, I’ve treated each party’s scores on these scales in isolation, when that isn’t quite right. A respondent could have said they were 10/10 likely to vote for several parties. What this shows is potential support, not guaranteed support.

For the Greens to win more Westminster seats they would need to take support from the major parties. Given their relatively wide level of latent support, this may be within reach, even under the current electoral rules.

Will any Scottish Lib Dem MPs follow councillors into defecting?

The past couple of weeks have seen several Liberal Democrat councillors switch allegiance to the SNP, no doubt partly due to disappointment with the actions of their former party at Westminster and partly with half an eye on next year’s local elections. In a UK context, they are not alone.

The Lib Dems difficult position is not getting any easier for Nick Clegg; his call for a more ‘muscular liberalism’ and objections outwith the coalition agreement won’t be accepted by the Conservatives and it also undermines his party’s stance on saying they had to increase tuition fees and increase VAT because it was in the coalition agreement. Why did Nick Clegg accept those policies but is now reacting against the NHS proposals when all of those policies were in the agreement? I suspect that will be the next circle the Lib Dems will have to square in the next few weeks, aside from dealing with Chris Huhne’s exit from Government of course.

The next Westminster election is probably still some way off, if the coalition does hold for the full five years then we have four long years to go. However, if any MPs are thinking about switching allegiance for principled or pragmatic reasons (particularly in Scotland in light of the Holyrood results), they are probably best to do so in the next year or two in order to avoid too many charges of naked opportunism, not to mention time to let local activists warm to them.

So which Scottish MPs might be considering the move?

Mike Crockart – Edinburgh West
Won a narrow selection contest to take the supposedly safe Lib Dem seat in 2010 but has since quit Government to vote against coalition proposals on tuition fees and watched on as the Lib Dems were wiped out in the Lothians in the Holyrood elections. A repeat result in next year’s council elections may well focus the mind for this young, up and coming politician.
Likelihood of defection? Medium

Alan Reid – Argyll & Bute
In the past three Holyrood elections in this area, the Lib Dems have slumped from 1st (35% voteshare) through 2nd (32% voteshare) to 4th (12% voteshare). One coudl argue that the writing must surely be on the wall for Alan Reid even at this early stage.
Alan voted against the proposals to increase university tuition fees so is clearly not afraid to stand up to and against the party machine.
Likelihood of defection? Medium

Michael Moore – Tweedale, Ettrick & Lauderdale
Michael is the current Secretary State for Scotland but his distaste for the coalition was made known via a secret recording of comments regarding the tuition fees vote. Apparently “Tuition fees … [are] the biggest, ugliest, most horrific thing in all of this” so there is scope for further discord and not respecting party decisions. There is also currently a whispering campaign against Michael as a result of his intransigence in moving towards a more federal UK, which is Lib Dem policy.
Michael holds only a 1,489 majority over Labour from 2010.
Likelihood of defection? Medium

Sir Robert Smith – West Aberdeenshire & Kincardine
Robert holds a 3,684 majority over the Conservatives in that rarest of constituencies in Scotland, a Tory/Lib Dem two horse race. I don’t know if the MP is an orange-booker or sympathetic to the blues but Robert’s grandfather served this constituency as a Tory and he is a ‘3rd baronet’ which, I don’t know what it means, but it sounds more Tory than Lib Dem to me.
Swinging allegiance just before 2015 from orange to blue would virtually cement re-election, if the local Tory group allowed it of course.
Likelihood of defection? Medium

Jo Swinson
Jo fought off a strong challenge from Labour in 2010 to hold onto her East Dunbartonshire constituency by 2,184 votes. The Conservatives and SNP were a distant 3rd and 4th. Despite the SNP taking near-equivalent Strathkelvin and Bearsden in 2011 from Labour’s David Whitton, this should be a Labour/Lib Deb two-horse race in 2015.
It is early days but given that the Lib Dems slumped to 4th place in 2011 with only 7.7% of the vote, one has to assume that the writing is already on the wall for Jo Swinson’s tenure as an MP. Crossing the floor to Labour is probably the Scottish Liberal Democrats’ Deputy Leader’s best chance of re-election.
Likelihood of defection? Low

Menzies Campbell/Charlie Kennedy/Malcolm Bruce
Rightly or wrongly, I view this trio as a mini-group of MPs within MPs. Similar political views and similar length of experience, they have invested much of their career to the benefit of the Lib Dems but these senior politicians are conspicuous by the their silence and, if one was to take drastic action, one has to assume all three of them would together. The age and stage of their careers probably means they’ll ride out this chapter of the Liberal Democrat story without objecting too radically.
Likelihood of defection? Low

John Thurso – Caithness, Sutherland and Easter Ross
Probably enjoys a strong enough personal vote to be too overly-concerned with not winning at elections any more. May also be considering retirement in 2015 having served three parliamentary terms since 2001.
Likelihood of defection? Low

Alistair Carmichael – Orkney & Shetlands
The islands have been Lib Dem held since the 1950s and Alistair was President of the Liberal Club way back when he was a student.
Likelihood of defection? Non-existent

Danny Alexander – Inverness, Nairn, Badenoch & Strathspey
Danny holds a 8,765 majority over Labour from the 2010 election which is a winnable margin looking ahead to 2015, even with the Chief Secretary to the Treasury being the poster boy for the Lib Dems, and flak jacket for the Tories, when it comes to cuts. Danny seems to embody the rural, pragmatic, intellectual wing(s) of the Liberal Democrats and it is difficult to picture the man with any other rosette on his lapel.
Likelihood of defection? Non-existent

A tale of two by-elections?

I was very sad to hear of the death of Labour’s MP for Inverclyde David Cairns at just 44.  I didn’t agree with a lot of his politics, but I had several conversations with him on Twitter in which the character of which Tom Harris’ moving obituary speaks came shining though.  I always have a lot of respect for representatives who resign their ministerial position when they disagree with the leadership, and David Cairns was one who did just that.  A fine MP, and a sad loss for Labour, Scotland and politics in general.

His untimely death inevitably means a by-election in Inverclyde.  I don’t want to start speculating on the coming campaign – there will be plenty time for that in the coming weeks – but I wanted to postulate a scenario which has the potential to occur.

The news from New York that the head of the IMF, Dominique Strauss-Khan has been charged with sexual assault suggests there will be a vacancy for the top job there.  At the moment, the number two at the IMF (who is on his way out in August) is taking over the role – but even if the charges against Strauss-Khan are dropped, there’s no real chance he’ll return to the top job.  Which means there’s likely to be a vacancy there.  As it happens, we have a former Prime Minister who fancies himself as a bit of an economics expert, a guy who claims to have “saved the world… erm, saved the banks”.  Wouldn’t he fancy the gig?

Of course, even if he fancied it, there’s no guarantee he’d get it.  But it is widely known that J. Gordon Brown has been looking to stand down as an MP for several months.  Indeed, there were even rumours before the Scottish Parliamentary election that he’d stand down and Labour would call the by-election for the same day (and, in hindsight, its perhaps lucky for them that they did not).  So, perhaps, even if he did not get the IMF job, the former PM’s time as MP for Kirkcaldy & Cowdenbeath is limited.

Thus, perhaps, at some point in the coming months, we could be looking at not just one by-election (in Inverclyde) but a second (in Kirkcaldy & Cowdenbeath).

If that is the case, what odds on both by-elections being held on the same day?

Think about it like this.  Of all the parties in Scotland at the moment, only the Liberal Democrats would like a Westminster by-election less than Labour at the moment.  Labour won the Greenock & Inverclyde seat at the Scottish Parliament election by just 500 or so votes.  They lost Kirkcaldy to the SNP by around 200.  In that respect, neither can be considered a “safe” seat – and the party won’t have the finance to take on the SNP in 2 separate large-scale by-election campaigns.  Plus the negative coverage which would come from a by-election loss (in the first one) would plunge the party further into difficulty in Scotland, and make it even more difficult for them to win a second by-election – handing further initiative to the SNP.  Add the fact there’s a “root and branch” review of what Scottish Labour means and how it is organised, and the resignation of Iain Gray as LOLITSP after the review is over means there are plenty questions about Labour at the moment.

The SNP, on the other hand, are buoyant at the moment.  They’ve just won a majority in a PR electoral system, winning seats in Labour heartlands that no one ever considered would be lost.  They’ve returned to government in Scotland with a stronger mandate as a majority government.  And they’ve got activists, celebrity endorsements and weel-kent MSP faces to help with publicity in by-election campaigns.  In short – despite the fact that both Inverclyde and Kirkcaldy & Cowdenbeath have large Labour majorities, the odds would be stacked in the SNP’s favour in the event of a by-election in each case.  And even if they didn’t win either, the likelihood is that they would run Labour close in both – further providing good news for the SNP and bad for Labour.

The way around making this two stories instead of one (and, indeed, of reducing the SNP’s chances of winning either – by splitting their activists) is to hold both on the same day.  Its a tactic we’ve seen before – and one which would likely allow Labour to maintain some control over the story and, crucially, help them to hold one or both seats.

Obviously, I’m getting way ahead of myself here – there will definitely be one by-election – but it wouldn’t surprise me if Gordon Brown decided the time was right to move on.  What do we think?  A likely scenario… or my reading too much into everything and trying to find links where none exist?