Archive for category Democracy

On proportionality and consensus politics

Continuing what appears to be a never-ending series on democracy, we have another guest post, this one from Labour’s candidate for Edinburgh Eastern in the forthcoming Scottish Parliament election, Ewan Aitken.  He’s very much an advocate of proportional electoral systems – and a new kind of politics – which you’ll discover below.

The first public election I took part in was back in 1982 in the student union elections at the University of Sussex. It was run under the single transferable vote system and having experienced it first hand I was a convert to proportional voting systems, (not just because I won either!)

Some 24 years later in 2006 I became Leader of the City of Edinburgh Council.  To have been Leader of Scotland’s capital city is a huge honour and one I remain deeply grateful to have received but it always struck me as unfair that I was leader because of a Labour majority based on a fraction under 28% of the vote.  That’s why, even though I knew it would mean we might lose power, I was in favour of PR for Local Government. As it happened we did lose by 6 votes on the 8th distribution in one ward (which meant that the seat distribution was 17 Lib Dems to our 15 rather than 16 each), but I still think proportionality is a better way to choose our decisions makers.

Proportionality gives three things to any voting system; it makes sure that anyone elected, (or in the case of closed list, their party), has majority support, its gives voters a greater sense of influence over who will make decisions on their behalf and it embeds in the voting system the idea that power should not be held in the hands of one party or group.

Its that third principle that leads me to say something will be perhaps a surprise to some.  Although I disagree with many of the decisions of the present Scottish Government, the fact that they have attempted to run a minority government has been good for the maturing of the Scottish Parliament and so for our democracy.

It means for transparency about the big decisions and a different dynamic for those not in office that is not solely about opposition.  We know, for example, why the Lib Dems and the Conservatives supported the budget recent motion. Voters can then decide whether or not the price of a parties vote meant that their priorities had been achieved.

I contrast this with the two partnership agreements between Labour and the Lib Dems. Although I believe they delivered more for Scotland than the present Government at one level, the way the agreements were structured and portrayed restricted the ability of those administrations to be as radical as they wanted to be and as responsive as they needed to be at times to changing circumstances. There were times when what we needed was not what had been agreed two or three years previously (often with very specific numeric targets), but to change the agreement would have been portrayed as having failed or as a sign that the coalition breaking up.

Minority Government does not necessarily mean that decisions are fewer in number or achieved more slowly as has sometimes been suggested. What is does demand is a greater and more developed ability to negotiate and collaborate with those from different parties that our conflict culture allows for at present.

At local government level the problem we have is that we have a new way of counting the votes but and old way of doing politics, Edinburgh being a prime example. So for local authorities I would embed proportionality in the distribution of power into the structures. The largest party would nominate the leader and whoever chairs the Council. Other positions would then be distributed proportionally to the number of seats held by each party. The job of the leader would be to manage a coalition that is created structurally not by political deal. Each party would be hold some responsibility to help deliver for their authority and have to reach agreement with others for the services for which they have responsibility. What they would then bring to the voters at elections would be their track record of delivery in a context of having achieving collaboration and move away from the conflict culture that pervades and undermines local authority debates and decision-making.

Neither system is perfect. This article is not a criticism of partnership agreements or of my party for entering into two of them. It is a reflection that on balance, minority Government might achieve more in terms of changing political culture through its processes. As ever, the challenge is to find a system that at least reflects the principles of transparency and collaboration even it involves some frustrations as well.

How to make friends and influence politicians?

Another one of our previous guests, Rev Shuna Dicks, returns looking for some advice about participatory democracy (you see how this links in to some of the posts we’re done recently?).  Please be nice – and constructive!

As part of my role as convenor of a sub-committee of Presbytery (a local gathering of clergy and elders of the Church of Scotland – one of its ‘Courts’) I have been asked to consider organising a hustings in the run up to the Scottish Parliamentary Elections.

The committee I convene is ‘Church & Community’ and so far this year we have been pretty focussed on events surrounding the two air bases within the bounds of the Presbytery of Moray – the hot political topic for the area at the moment. The future of the bases is a defence issue, which is a reserved matter. But the impact of any closures (I am reminded that RAF Kinloss has not closed and will not be fully closed and that there will still be some work happening at and from the base) will have a dramatic effect on the local economy, schools, support services etc – all devolved matters. This will obviously have an impact on campaigning for the election.

The Scottish Churches Parliamentary Office has produced a good paper on how to plan such events and I have been studying this in order to get some advice as to how to go about running such an event. As well as a traditional Hustings (a panel with questions from the floor) they give the suggestion of a ‘Speed hustings’ and ‘virtual hustings’ both of which I like. The Speed Hustings give people in small groups a chance to quiz individual candidates for a set amount of time before the candidate moves on to another group. Each candidate then is given a short amount of time at the close to say a few words.  The virtual Hustings suggests issuing each candidate with a set of questions to answer in writing by a certain date and then simply publish the answers.

This is where I would like your help – what questions as a faith community should the churches be asking of the candidates?

Also – just out of curiosity, are hustings meetings still relevant in 2011?

Straw men and political opponents

We have a few guests lined up at the moment, and here’s one of them.  We’re chuffed to welcome back Marcus Warner, a frequent contributor to Wales Home, who agrees with Malc’s thoughts about democracy.  But that’s not the only reason we’re publishing it, honest.  Think of this post as part of the ‘mini-series’ on democracy we’ve accidentally ended up doing…

I had planned to do this piece prior, but Malc’s post yesterday made me nod in agreement and spur me on some more. The issue I wanted to add is one of straw men and the tendency for us all to imagine cartoonish cardboard cut outs of our political opponents.

I have been a member of two political parties, a social democrat always and a nationalist as I got further into my political journey. It was surprising, but had I not made a journey from one party to the other, I would have probably would still have the cartoon version Plaid Cymru as standard. I encounter less, but still visible occasions when my Plaid comrades do the same towards Labour. I have noticed as well that often the people with the closest viewpoints on the political compass as it were are the most likely to paint these caricatures of each other.

But more widely than that, would we all not benefit from being a bit more gracious about the other side’s motives, strengths and weaknesses?

From a purely tactical point of view, knowing your enemy is often central to defeating them. Understanding them is crucial in seeking to beat them, but this takes a certain healthy respect and not to indulge in straw men versions of them.

I sit rather clearly and strong on the left of politics, but I  think as I have got older I feel that I have got to understand the right’s motivations more. Too many of us on the left refuse to accept that many on the right believe in lower taxes because they believe people should have more money to spend on how they want to.

They believe in a smaller state because they don’t feel the state can solve everything. They believe in personal responsibility around getting a job or choosing private sector services because they believe people themselves can do it better than the man in Whitehall.

Do I agree with the right’s ideas on how to organise society? No. But one thing we all need to start looking to do is making this about a battle of ideas and about creating a better society, not painting the other side as baby eaters who only have evil motives for putting forward their ideas. It takes certain aloofness to believe that and I point the finger at us all. We might believe we have better ideas on the issues that matter, but no one party, group or wing has the moral high ground from the get-go.

Too much of the political debate focuses on the person suggesting it, rather than the idea itself. Too often ideas are owned by the left/right/nationalists (Welsh, Scots or British) and then they shout ‘bagsy’.

The thing is and I accept this is my anecdotally evidence opinion, but most ordinary punters don’t think like those of us who read this website. They don’t think left, right, nationalist, trot, Friedman etc, they see an idea in the context it is presented to them (context is vital too) and take it at face value. Of course the context may present it falsely – in the positive or the negative – but the point is that voters don’t necessarily have a default setting that many of us in politics do.

This is not some paean to mushy consensus politics. I believe in my ideas and want to test them against other ideas in a vibrant democracy. But I think it would benefit politics, the strength and depth of all our ideas and the public at large if we were willing to understand the counter argument better. Let us not just assume that we only have our ideas out of deep thinking and genuinely held purpose, while everybody else is just a cynical, evil carpetbagger who just wants to lie their way to absolute power before bringing forth the apocalypse.

Next time you see your political foe, perhaps the time has come to buy him or her a pint. Let’s understand more and judge less.

Treatise on Democracy (Vol. 1)

Watching the Egyptian Revolution (has anyone started calling it that yet?  BBC slowly moved from “Egypt unrest” to “Egypt crisis” but I don’t remember seeing “revolution…) got me thinking a bit about democracy.  Sure, we take it for granted here, but in recent weeks we’ve seen the South Sudanese vote for independence from the north in a referendum and protests in Tunisia, Egypt itself, Algeria, Iran and Yemen aimed at toppling regimes and installing democracy.

Thing is… aren’t they twenty years too late?

In 1989, Francis Fukuyama published a much-debated paper entitled “The End of History”, which, three years later was expanded into a book titled “The End of History and the Last Man”.  Fukuyama’s central argument was that, with the collapse of communism and the end of the Cold War, liberal democracy had won and established itself as the central principle which would inform how all states would be run.  Now, of course there are plenty criticisms of Fukuyama, and I myself have always been more oriented towards Huntington’s “Clash of Civilisations” theory (without the inherent racism apparent in some sections) but the point I’d make is that, at the time of Fukuyama’s writing, he did have some evidence for his thesis.

That’s not to say that “we’re all liberal democrats now” (note the lower case) in any form – and I don’t think that he’d argue that we would be, just that we are all on that trajectory.  But in the 1980s and 1990s we did see a major shift towards liberal democracy (predominantly in Eastern Europe) in line with Fukuyama’s theory.  States who had never seen democracy began to embrace the concept, replacing totalitarian communist states with varying degrees of democratic institutions.

But while these new democracies began to, if not love the concept then at least learn to live with it, modern western democracies began to fall out of love with democracy – or at least in the way they themselves practised it.  Witness falling election turnouts in Britain (1992 onwards), US Presidential (1960-2008) and Federal (1962-2006), French Parliamentary (1945-2007) and the general malaise about political representatives and apathy about our political systems.  Okay, I’m using figures which emphasise my point (and you can find states which will contradict me – Italy’s turnout has increased, though you’d hardly call that a model western democracy) but you see what I’m saying.  We’re getting to be fed up with democracy just as these states are understanding why we loved it in the first place

But maybe its not democracy that we’re fed up with, but how we practise it.  Maybe representative democracy has had its day, and we need to move to more direct or deliberative democracy.  Yeah, I know – trying to get a chamber of 129 MSPs or 650 MPs to decide agree on anything, how do you get a population of 5 million or 60 million to make decisions?  But it doesn’t need to go that far.

In case you couldn’t tell, this is feeding into some of my research at the moment.  I’ve been reading more about deliberative democracy – Habermas,  Rawls, Fishkin and Dryzek mostly, since you ask – but it is mostly a theoretical concept, with no real practical application for political systems, except for a handful of ideas, which include ideas like deliberative polling and citizen’s juries.  But the principle is, I think, something we should be looking at – more public engagement in democracy through some of these innovations, and focusing more on the deliberative aspect of decision-making, on letting the arguments convince more than the political up or downside.

Of course I realise this is naive.  We can’t do politics without the politicians (or can we?).  But we’re losing our will to love our own democracies, which if we don’t remedy, may endanger the new democratic projects in the Middle East and Africa.  Perhaps we need to be less apathetic not for our own sake, but for the sake of global stability?  That’s a big, pretentious bull-s*** thought to finish on.

Vote in the AV referendum to save the democratic world?  As a campaign slogan, it’s got its merits…

Davis and Straw versus ECHR (2011)

Westminster is getting its collective knickers in a knot today over the issue of prisoner voting rights.

On the one side we have the European Court of Human Rights which suggests (nae, demands!) that the UK comply with their view that denying prisoners a vote in UK elections – at all levels – represents a breach of their human rights.  Failure to comply will result in… well, I’m not sure, to be honest.  Apparently the prisoners can sue for compensation, though how you put a monetary value on the freedom to vote I don’t know.

Anyway, on the other side we have Tory MP David Davies leading the charge, ably supported by former Home Secretary Jack Straw, arguing that when prisoners break their contract with society by committing a crime and are subsequently incarcerated, they give up their right to vote for the duration of their stay at Her Majesty’s pleasure.  Further, they argue, that while prisoners are of course covered by the Convention on Human Rights, that only extends as far as being fed and treated with respect – it does not extend to their ability to determine the government of the day.  Finally, neither seems to think the UK Government should be held to ransom by the European Court of Human Rights, arguing that “democratically elected lawmakers” of a sovereign state should have more say over their electoral arrangements than unelected judges and law-interpreters.

The upshot of it, as far as I can gather, is that we have a motion in parliament on the issue, and that both government and opposition front benches have been instructed to abstain in the vote while backbenchers have a free vote, though the vote itself is non-binding on the government.  David Cameron and the Conservative element of the government have signalled their displeasure with the European Court’s decision, though suggest that the UK has no choice but to comply, while the Liberal Democrats are likely to be (though I haven’t seen this in print) more sympathetic to prisoners’ claims.

Wherever you stand on the issue of prisoner voting rights (and though I tend to be more of a “rehabilitation-ist” than a “punish-punish-punish” type, I agree with the PM – it makes me a little ill to think that a prisoner who has no respect for the rights of others when s/he murders/rapes/assaults/burgles another citizen should be allowed to vote) this case opens up a lot of constitutional questions which the UK and the European Union are not prepared for.

In particular, can the UK continue to defy the European Court of Human Rights?  If so, what are the sanctions for such defiance?  When the UK signed up to the European Convention on Human Rights did it cede so much sovereignty that it no longer has control over its own franchise?  What are the ramifications for UK Parliamentary democracy if it has to take direction from Europe on law and order?

Needless to say, I’m just asking the questions – I don’t have all (or indeed, any) of the answers.  Perhaps some of our legal-minded colleagues may shed some light?  Either way, I watch this process unfold and await the outcome with some interest.