A normal referendum campaign has two sides, and in fact the law more or less requires them to do so, but the truth is almost always more complex. Votes on Europe integration in Ireland and elsewhere have seen No campaigns unite trade unionists with right-wing free-marketeers, for example.
Similarly, the No campaign during the 1997 Scottish Parliament referendum campaign brought the “black-hearted unionists” of the Tory party together with some anti-devo Nat fundamentalists, while the Yes campaign was backed by the mainstream of all the non-Tory parties here, superficially united but with very different objectives.
The AV referendum is going to be particularly complicated because of the consequences it has for any future moves to PR. Very few are passionate about AV, and attitudes to PR are therefore a much determining factor for positions on the AV vote. That’s not true for everyone, though, ensuring there are four main campaigns.
Yes to AV, yes to PR. For this group, AV is a stepping stone to fair votes, or at least they believe rejecting AV will hamper future PR efforts. By far the largest chunk of the #yestoav campaign falls into this category. The Lib Dem activists mostly fit here, although their MPs voted unanimously against a PR option being put. The Scottish Greens and the Green Party of England and Wales are here too. Plenty of the leftier Charter 88 end of Labour are here, and so too are UKIP for “balance”. Probably 98% of the #yestoav campaign.
Yes to AV, no to PR. These are the AV true believers, and the smallest by far of the four main campaigns. Very few prominent names are here: I count John Rentoul for the media, and Jack Straw and Peter Hain for Labour.
No to AV, no to PR. This is the overwhelming body of opposition to the vote. Here can be found the overwhelming bulk of the Tory party, plus the Labour dinosaurs like Beckett, Blunkett, Reid and Forkbender. This is the establishment position, the two-party-state-forever crowd. They think they’ve found a way to damage PR by attacking AV’s non-proportionality, implying they are somehow pro-PR. Probably 98% of the #notoav campaign.
No to AV, yes to PR. This is another small group, though bigger than the AV-but-not-PR enthusiasts. It includes a fair few Wallist Greens and indeed even the Green Party of Northern Ireland. Their arguments are that this is indeed a “miserable little compromise“, and that if it’s passed the momentum for change will dissipate – “we just had a vote on this, didn’t we”? Douglas Carswell and Dan Hannan, two of the Tories’ most independent thinkers, are here too.
There are of course other campaigns, including the quixotic Bella Caledonia “spoil your ballot for independence”, possibly joined by the Cornish, and those who will vote no to give the Lib Dems a bloody nose and perhaps split the coalition. I understand all these objectives, incidentally, while disagreeing with these campaigns’ conclusions.
Those other smaller campaigns are certainly not open to persuasion on AV itself or PR, I suspect. However, I’d urge the No to AV, yes to PR crowd to look again at their unholy allies. If the referendum is lost, who will be heard? You, with your complex arguments about how this has protected future moves towards PR, or them, the Labour and Tory establishments, crowing as First Past The Post is saved forever?
#1 by Despairing on December 13, 2010 - 3:18 pm
Iain MacWhirter summed up my thinking in yesterday’s Sunday Herald – this will become a referendum on the LibDems rather than on AV.
The electorate will see what the LibDems have done, will decide that 1) they never want the LDs getting a sniff of power again, and 2) this will be a good way to give them a quick beating around the head.
It may also take the heat off the Scottish wing of the party somewhat. If the electorate see the AV referendum as the way to give the LDs a bloody nose, then they may decide that’s enough of a punishment and vote for them like they normally would in the Holyrood election.
I sincerely hope that doesn’t come to pass.
#2 by James Kelly on December 13, 2010 - 4:00 pm
James, I think it may be overstating the point to call Daniel Hannan a ‘yes to PR’ man – he claims to see a case for it, but also for FPTP. Indeed his post the other day giving the ‘incontestable’ reasons for voting AV was very much in that vein – one reason was that AV would be less proportional (and that would be bad) and another was that AV would create more hung parliaments, ie. be more proportional (and that would be bad).
#3 by James on December 13, 2010 - 4:08 pm
Yes, that may have been a little irrational exuberance on my part, although he does cite that list of reasons which includes an attack on proportionality.
#4 by Paul on December 13, 2010 - 4:29 pm
Good article, but could you put a number by each of the options to express your preference ?
#5 by James on December 13, 2010 - 4:32 pm
That’s hard. Yes to AV, Yes to PR is my position. No to both is the one I disagree with most. The other two – in one case I disagree with the ends, and the other, the means. Classic!
#6 by Indy on December 13, 2010 - 10:11 pm
There’s another group which can most easily be semi-acronymised as GTF the lot of you.
#7 by Stephen Glenn on December 13, 2010 - 10:43 pm
James if your entire coverage of the Northern Irish parties is going to be the Greens could you at least consult 😉
Yes to AV Yes to PR Firmly the SDLP and the Alliance would fit in there. Possibly might also include Sinn Féin although they have yet to comment.
No to AV Yes to PR Possibly the DUP fit in here, although their objections tend to be other parts of the Voting Reform Bill (ie losing some of the Northern Irish seats)
The UUP have as yet to make up their mind as a party.
#8 by James on December 14, 2010 - 8:06 am
Fair point, yet I got away with not researching the SNP or Plaid position!
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#9 by Ian Wright on December 29, 2010 - 8:27 pm
I want PR but due to the Lib Dems appalling behaviour since May 5; the opportunity to give the Lib Dems a bloody nose is far too great. Bollocks to Clegg and his opportunistic cronies